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20130115
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Search Results 0 to 5 of about 6 (some duplicates have been removed)
in public spaces? >> i think very carefully, just as in navigated the relationship with lyndon johnson. he went out of his way to avoid taking a public position opposed to johnson on the war or poverty issues. it was only after a great deal of deliberation, a great deal of time had passed, and when he felt like he could do nothing else other than take a public stance. that is what is going on in the black community today. i think all of us recognize that the energy has to come from the grassroots. that those of us who feel that the president needs to go further, and i think it barack obama were sitting here, he would say, yes, i like to go farther in terms of dealing with these issues of poverty and specific issues of the black community, but he would also say, you have to push me. that does not necessarily come from him deciding which are the greatest party as he has to deal with. just as johnson also said, look, i have a lot of priorities as president. if you love me to deal with is a voting rights issue, as king did in 1964 and 1965, you have to push me. king went out and helped stage t
example to that president eisenhower who worked with democratic leaders, lyndon johnson. i talked with the brookings scholar who was a young aide in the eisenhower white house. he said eisenhower was deeply not do anything. an and lbj but he knew to make things work you had to have this getting along. the key difference here is johnson, rayburn, o'neal, they could deliver. this president does not have someone who can deliver and in the senate, republicans have abused the fill bupser. -- filibuster. >> describe eisenhower? >> he was devious. >> he was the most devious person nixon had ever known. you said, i mean that in a positive sense. >> they could work together. >> reagan was not actually dealing with a house my majority, -- minority, that there was a conservative majority in the house. when you add the republicans and conservative democrats. what we had was ideological sorting since then of the the parties were nor geographical. nowadays if you're conservative, you're republican. if you're a liberal, you're a democrat. obama is up against an actual majority of conservative ho
was rare. very, very rare. so in lyndon johnson's tenure as majority leader which ended when he was vice president in january of '61, there was one filibuster in his six years. and harry reid's six years, almost 400. that's the contrast. it's gradual. the right to filibuster has been there since the modern senate was there. but it's the perversion of senators that are willing to filibuster anything, any single thing they bring this to bear. >> describe that perversion. >> that perversion is everything from the almost 100 judicial vacancies that you talked about to many examples of recess appointments in the executive branch. we just spent $3 billion on a presidential election and the president's appointees, most of them he makes now are most likely never to get confirmed, unlikely to get debated, certainly unlikely to get discussed and certainly unlikely to serve. >> you want to end the filibuster. what's behind that? >> senator jeff morgan would make it essential that people talk. this is what the american people want. it would encourage debate, it wouldn't push it away. >> what is your
Search Results 0 to 5 of about 6 (some duplicates have been removed)